漢學研究中心與捷克科學院亞非研究所,訂於2018年6月7-8日於國家圖書館,共同舉辦此次會議,會中特邀中央研究院王汎森院士專題演講。其他發表人暫定論文題目和摘要臚列如下(依發表人姓氏字母或筆畫排序):

  1. Táňa Dluhošová 路丹妮 捷克科學院亞非研究所台北研究中心研究員
    Censorship in Early Post-war Taiwan: Procedures and Practices

        This presentation will explore how state agencies used their various means of exercising power and projecting authority in order to shape the literary production and the literary scene in Taiwan during the early post-war period. Adding to existing scholarship which investigates the consequences of the purges of high-profile intellectuals after the 2.28 Incident, the presentation shall probe deeper into the problem of censorship as a specific way of (a) exercising state control over published contents which challenged the KMT’s ideology as well as (b) a means to limit the freedom of agents in the literary field. I will examine this problem from two complementary perspectives: Firstly, integrating the Taiwanese case into a broader political and social context, the presentation is going to focus on the legal framework under which Republican-era censorship operated. Secondly, the presentation will analyze censorship from the perspective of practice and agency. The core questions will be, simply put: Who was banning what? What were the governmental and party institutions, on various levels, involved at different times, and was the relationship among them? Which concrete cases may illuminate the impact of censorship on various aspects of publishing? The answers will be sought among the archival files, especially of the Academia Historica’s Taiwan Historica (Taiwan Guoshi guan, Wenxian guan 台灣國史館文獻館), which holds official documents from the both early post-war governments.

  2. Peter B. Ditmanson 戴彼得 國家圖書館副研究學者
    歷史、政治、與明代中葉的出版業

    15 世紀後期至 16 世紀前期的中國,有許多筆記出現與流通,其中包含一些近期歷史人物與事變的評論,和沒有明顯的來源的故事與傳説。這些作者是不同層級的官員,而他們的作品形成一種對官方的《實錄》的挑戰。這種政治觀點的多樣化與政治意見的增加,是以朝廷上日益加劇的政治鬥爭為背景出現的,一方是政府的文官,另一方則是權力日益強大的宦官,例如劉瑾(1451-1510)等等。而黨派之間的爭論也出現了,例如1520年代的大禮議。這些評論、故事與傳説,大都强調與皇帝和宦官的不當行爲相反的官僚的道德力量。
    這些筆記的記載被廣泛傳播和引用,對於16、17世紀的歷史觀點有很大的影響。這些記載被納入明代中葉以後的私人歷史文獻,自陳建的1555年出版的《皇明通紀》開始,它們對明朝的歷史詮釋產生了持久的影響。

  3. Han Li 韓莉 美國Rhodes College 歷史系教授
    From Red to “Pink”: Propaganda hip-hops, Social Media and China’s Pursuit of Soft Power Outreach

         A series of short videos from a mysterious Studio on Fuxing (rejuvenation) Road have accumulated millions of hits and invited heated discussions both in China and around the world. Since its debut with the video “How Are Leaders Made” in October 2013 to its most recent release celebrating the 20th anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to China, the studio has released more than a dozen videos covering topics ranging from the state policy, China’s social and economic reforms to Xi Jinping’s diplomatic travels. With its name alluding to Xi’s slogan calling for “the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation,” the studio and its productions speak volume of the party’s continuous efforts in re-defining its propaganda strategies and practices. This paper first situates the release of these “neo-Communist hip-hops” in the party’s dual publicity campaign – while Beijing mercilessly clamps down on dissidents (especially on social media), it is also actively re-inventing its propaganda apparatus to appeal to a young, mobile and global audience. This paper then conducts a close reading of respective videos on the legitimacy of Xi’s regency, China’s 13th Five-Year Plan, China-US relation and China’s “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) initiative, and examine the tactful mixing of pop culture elements and political messages. By exploring the dynamics between the videos, the platforms and politics, this paper seeks to demonstrate how these refreshed-looking PR productions demonstrate the effectiveness and illusiveness of China’s continuous pursuit of soft power outreach.

  4. Ondřej Klimeš 林昂 捷克科學院亞非研究所台北研究中心研究員
    Political Smear Campaigns in the Internet Era

        Mass criticism and false accusations were often used techniques to eliminate political opposition in Maoist China, for instance during the Anti-Rightist Movement (1957–1959) or the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). In the new millennium, burgeoning internet and new media have enabled the Communist Party of China and sympathetic political actors to use similar manipulations in innovative ways. A well-known phenomenon are the government “internet commentators”, also known as the “Fifty-Cent Party,” who have been found to disseminate hundreds of millions of pseudonymous and deceptive posts per year, thereby distracting the public and shifting the discussion from controversial issues to affirmative topics by praising the party, its accomplishments, and other symbols of the regime. Another known examples are smear attacks on Chinese journalists, political activists, and other proponents of civil rights based abroad, who have been increasingly subjected to “character assassination campaigns” since 2012, when articles and doctored photos are publicized online and circulated via email groups, falsely accusing them for instance of illicit sexual behavior, prostitution and offering sexual escort services, spying for the Chinese government, or embezzling political dissidents’ funds. The attackers have also disabled their targets’ IP addresses by DDoS attacks, defamed them through fake social media accounts, and harassed them by automated anonymous phone calls, phishing, or account hacking. This research examines in closer detail how the smear campaigns have been used by the regime and its sympathizers against their political opponents in China during the first term of the Xi Jinping era (2012 – 2017). It contributes to the broader discussion of how the contemporary Chinese party-state uses information technology to eliminate political criticism and enhance its control of public opinion and discursive space.

  5. Emily Mokros 墨安屴 美國柏克萊大學博士後研究學者
    The State and the Street: Constructing Documentary Authority in Qing China

        In the summer of 1718, Beijing residents heard and saw strange things. They witnessed a lunar eclipse. And they spoke of a devastating earthquake in northwest China. These conversations took place on the streets, within private homes, and in the antechambers of state offices. Some heard the news from sojourners and some from trusted colleagues, family members, and friends. The stories included varied details of a supernatural omen: a “three-armed ghost,” or perhaps a “headless monster” whose presence in the northwest had foreshadowed the seismic event. Seven days after the first telling of this strange story, a gazette publisher (baofang) in Beijing sold textual proof: a memorial, attributed to the governor-general for Shaanxi and Sichuan, which reported the monstrous apparition and its devastating consequences. But while the earthquake had indeed inflicted damage, the more tantalizing details of the story were fabricated, and the memorial itself false. This was fake news.
     Starting from this “false memorial” case, this paper will investigate a series of information scandals in the first century of the Qing dynasty When the Qing conquered China, they inherited a troubled information order. Within the bureaucracy, lengthy procedural correspondence buried urgent messages and covert networks troubled official hierarchies. Beyond the reach of the state, gossip and rumor endangered the stability of the new dynasty. In this study, I argue that their attempts to restore the information order, Qing political agents established new boundaries between influence and authority, clerks and officials, and conversations and texts. In particular, the court promoted gazettes as authoritative foils to the rumors, tabloids, and forgeries that made up the “fake news” of early modern China. In so doing, by the mid-eighteenth century the Qing state shifted the material basis of politics from talk to text, and from story to document.

  6. 孫旭亮 澳門大學歷史系博士候選人
    Rumors and Imagination Transplant: A Study on Anti-Christian Incidents in the Late Ming Dynasty

        Ever since the first generation of Jesuit “Giants” represented by Matteo Ricci and Michele Ruggieri were permitted to reside in China in 1583, the anti-Christian incidents had never been ceased in the Ming dynasty. Apart from the 1616 Nanjing incident, there were abundant other relatively small-scale anti-Christian incidents that occurred. As stated by Alvaro Semedo, there had already been 54 anti-Christian incidents before the occurrence of Nanjing incident. Interestingly, by taking close look at all these incidents, we can always see the emergence of various rumors and strange stories that were employed by the opponents to attack missionaries as well as Catholicism. The image of missionaries that was created by such rumors and strange stories altered in accordance with different requirements of opponents: trafficker, adulterer, alchemist, spy, sorcery-performer, and so forth. Based on their different contents, these rumors can be classified into 3 main categories with each focusing on different concerns: on counterespionage (accuse missionaries of working as spies for Folangji, stealing state secrets and fostering rebellious powers within China); on sexual misconducts (accuse missionaries of having sexual misconducts with local women); and on sorcery-performing (accuse missionaries performing evil sorceries like alchemy, consuming children, snatching organs, gathering people immediately without appointment and so on). In this essay, I will first be specific on the main manifestation of each type of such rumors. Then the questions like where did such rumors come from and why were they employed by opponents in their attacks against missionaries will be particularly studied and analyzed. The conclusion of my analysis on these rumors is that they were aroused by Chinese people’s imagination transplant decided by missionaries’ identities as outsiders (foreigners and religious staff, not necessarily Catholic priests). By doing so, I am trying to challenge the traditional cliché in the analysis on the reasons of the initiation of anti-Christian incidents which stressed a lot on the theoretical incompatibility between Confucianism and Catholicism. Therefore, hope that I can offer different research perspectives on the study of Sino-Western communication and confrontation.

  7. 王一樵 國立臺灣大學歷史系博士
    拾獲書文,巷閭粘貼:清朝官方檔案所見「匿名揭帖」案件研究

        本研究聚焦在清代官方檔案中見的各類「匿名帖子」案件,以及後續的相關社會影響。所謂的「匿名帖子」,清朝檔案中有時也叫「匿名揭帖」,顧名思義,這是一種類似現代社會「匿名黑函」一般的特殊文書,時常用來指控一些相當嚴重的犯罪事件。透過清朝官方檔案文獻的記載,我們可以得知「匿名揭帖」在清代主要是被有心人士刻意張貼於人群聚集來往的街市、鐘樓、鼓樓等處,用來傳達對於特定人等的匿名指控。根據清人陳邦賢《自勉齋隨筆》所言:「又叫做無頭信,不書下款,妄肆攻計。既要告發人,又不負責任。」這類的匿名文書在清代引了不少重大案件,事發之後,往往牽連廣泛。綜合而論,匿名帖子出現的場合眾多,具體呈現了清代庶民社會的各種面向。甚至,匿名帖子有時候也與當時的重要節慶有關,例如元霄燈會,可以說反映著歡慶中伴隨著某些混亂失序的可能性。另外,有的「匿名帖子」則是涉及指控人命官司案件,希望能利用另一種訊息渠道,在官府公堂之外,伸張冤曲不平。除此之外,「匿名揭帖」也時常出現在民人出首控告邪教與謀反的案件中,成為社會集體行動事件的一種媒介與訊息載體。

  8. 王文隆 中國國民黨文化傳播委員會黨史館主任
    國共兩黨黨營媒體所報國共戰爭之勝敗:以徐蚌會戰為例

        內戰勝敗關乎政權輪替,交戰雙方莫不動用所有資源力搏,不僅投注大量軍事資源,也必須關照後勤、氣勢與資源調度。其中,情報與資訊的掌握,屬於軍機,虛虛實實都有影響判斷的可能,是故除了透過情報網絡採集消息外,也有透過媒體刻意放話、隱敗揚勝以塑造氣勢,爭取民心。徐蚌會戰為國共內戰期間的三大戰役之一,也是中共決心一統江山,不接受劃江而治之建議的關鍵。該戰役在中國國民黨與中共所轄報刊中所報導出來的過程與結果,雙方對該戰役我帶來的影響與詮釋,殊堪玩味。本文將以中國國民黨所屬《中央日報》與中國共產黨所屬《人民日報》為主要材料,搭配檔案管理局所藏國軍檔案、國史館所藏蔣中正總統史料、中國國民黨黨史館所藏中央宣傳部資料,對照實際戰場情況與國共雙方見諸報刊的文字,觀察透過政黨所發的新聞或是假新聞,是如何詮釋與操作的。

  9. 王鴻泰 中央研究院歷史語言研究所研究員
    妖人妖言:明代中期的訊息傳播與政治操作

        中國歷代常見黨爭,而論者多將關注面集中於理念與群體之異同攻守,殊少注意其間訊息傳播方式之差異,更對其形成與發展有重大影響,甚至具決定性作用。實際上,政治乃各種立場與力量的博奕,訊息之接收與利用,斯為輸贏關鍵,而訊息傳播方式之不同,更對政治舞台的建構形式與演出內容都有決定性的影響。本文嘗試從訊息傳播的角度重新審視政治史,藉此透析權力的內涵本質與表現形式,及其兩者的辯證關係。另外,考察訊息傳播如何促成國家與社會的互動,亦是本文思考重點。 明朝自正統以來,政治情勢的發展實與訊息的掌控關係極度密切,尤其進入成化朝後,訊息的流動與掌控更是極度敏感地牽動政局的發展,皇帝委任親信建立情報偵察系統,且有意強力控制訊息的流通,儒臣群體則傾向於傳播訊息,對之公開討論,藉以製造輿論,因此訊息的傳播與控制也成了不同權位者的角力,政治鬥爭的攻防要地,乃至可以說政治操作的重要戰場就在訊息的掌控上。本文即嘗試討論訊息傳播與政治操作之間的密切關係,考察其所牽涉之不同層面與內容,希望藉此對明代之政治發展有更深入的認識,尤其對士大夫階層與宮廷勢力的博奕,乃至民間社會之如何參與國家大事,作更透徹的觀察。

  10. 吳筱玫 國立政治大學傳播學院教授
    論新媒體之液態解蔽:以1998印尼排華假照片事件為例
        1998年發生的印尼排華案,是一典型真事件、假證據之新聞範例,在臺灣媒體的報導中,重點多放在「華裔婦女受暴」這件事上,坊間流傳許多不堪入目、令人咬牙切齒的照片。那時網路初興,使用者人人成了自媒體,不斷在各討論區、網頁空間轉傳、張貼、繁殖這些來路不明之照片,雖然照片皆為移花接木這件事,早在引發此假新聞事件的原始網站上獲讀者來信澄清,然此澄清訊息並未獲得任何主流媒體關注。
        約10年後,研究者信箱收到一批當年流竄的恐怖照片,送信人呼籲我輩共同譴責印尼軍隊暴行,引起了研究者興趣,這些經過多年理應銷聲匿跡的照片,是如何出沒於網路,各自穿透到終端使用者之前?那時要了解這事,最快方式是透過Google搜尋,於是研究者以「印尼排華」與「1998」兩個中性關鍵字找尋線索,赫然發現:(1)該事件已與恐怖照片密切連結;(2)事件與恐怖照片連結的頁面,盤踞在Google排序頁面之前方,於是研究者提出當代「群眾的歷史書寫」現象,在新媒體介入下,歷史紀錄不再由專家掌控,而是在搜尋引擎上相互競逐,群眾不在乎真實或虛構,擁有敘事張力(照片)者,才是他們傳佈、閱讀該事件之動力。
        如今又快10年了,媒體條件有了新的變化,首先,2008年還能看到的「原始網站」,已經消失於歷史舞台,幾乎無人知道假照片事件從何而來;再者,從2008年到今天,又有許多相關頁面被創造出來,有了與以往不同的Google排序;此外,約自2009年開始,社群媒體Facebook、Twitter等開始風行,人們有了其他管道接觸事件資訊。在媒體快速更迭之下,假照片事件又有了新的再現面貌,這讓研究者重新思索新媒體的「液態」本質,不僅新媒體是液態的,媒體乘載的更是液態資訊。這種「快速」、「流動」、「液態」之資訊排序如何衝擊歷史書寫之面貌?將是本文討論之重點。 方法上,本文將蒐集1998、2008、2018三個時期關於「1998年印尼排華」事件之歷史資料進行分析。其中1998年與2008年有舊有資料支撐,2018年則增加Google與社群媒體Twitter與Facebook之排序。經由跨時、跨平台之比較分析,將有助於論述新媒體的液態本質。

  11. 邱怡瑄 國立臺灣大學中國文學系博士候選人
    偽裝的「詩史」與「假新聞」的真實效應:九一八事變到抗戰期間的國難吟詠為核心的考察
     
        「宰相有權能割地,孤臣無力可回天。」(丘逢甲,〈離臺詩〉)、「趙四風流朱五狂,翩翩胡蝶最當行。溫柔鄉是英雄塚,哪管東師入瀋陽。」(馬君武,〈哀瀋陽〉)。二十世紀上半葉世變蜂起,如上述所枚舉,志在傳寫、紀實當代重大歷史事件的國難舊體詩吟詠大量湧現。無論是報刊傳媒中的藝文專欄或軼聞瑣事,或舊式詩歌流通的詩話、評點與同人選集,此類吟詠國難的近代「詩史」書寫,以杜甫吟詠安史之亂的精神自任,卻以「述史」的姿態發揮類似新聞的傳播效應。這些詩史吟詠一方面承續中國歷史書寫傳統中紀實事、寓褒貶、含諷諭的職能,一方面也間亦混雜「史蘊詩心」的弄筆狡獪。本文以九一八事變到七七事變間,描寫中、日雙方領土、軍事矛盾的舊體詩吟詠為考察對象,探討「詩」和「史」之間的理論張力。羅蘭巴特討論寫實主義時所提出的「真實效果」(Reality Effect)理論,將是本文解析國難舊詩吟詠中之所以存在類乎「假新聞」陳述的切入觀點。「詩史」不只是被動地描寫歷史,更是藉由「紀實」為名的書寫實踐,成為推進與影響歷史走向的詩學。

  12. 邱家宜 卓越新聞獎基金會執行長
    台灣戒嚴時期的「假新聞」:「南海血書」案例

        1978年12月19日《中央日報》副刊刊載據稱為逃離越南途中罹難難民阮天仇絕筆信的〈南海血書〉,該信事後證明為署名譯者的朱桂所捏造,當時正是台灣政治反對運動興起階段,〈南海血書〉問世,並透過媒體、學校、機關全面大規模推廣閱讀,「今天不做反共鬥士、明天成為海上難民」成為當時流行的宣傳口號,透過「血書」內容,成功將南越陷共與南越人民對阮文紹政府的反對與抗爭連結在一起,明確的影射當時正在迅速發展中的台灣政治反對運動將會造成與南越相同的後果,以擴大民間恐共心理、削弱政治反對運動的正當性,來維持政權穩固。針對這個台灣新聞史上有名的「假新聞」,本論文將從知識社會學角度探討,當年黨國文宣體制的操作模式如何塑造出這樣一個具體的「社會真實」。

  13. 胡其瑞 國立臺灣大學數位人文中心博士後研究
    天啟‧謠言‧苗皇帝:近代中國西南苗族起事裡的「假新聞」(1860-1960)

        近代以來,中國西南地區的少數民族起事常成為帝國邊疆統治上的一大難題。由於國防的戰略考量,即使進入了共和國的年代,對於西南邊疆的統御仍是中央政府不可輕忽的一項重要政策。在本文中,我將以近代發生在中國西南地區,以苗族為主要領導者的數次群眾起事為中心,探討起事過程中為首者所散播的謠言與謠言產生的背景,以及傳播謠言的管道。雖然這些謠言的內容,間或有著不同的宗教元素,政治因素與族群利益的糾葛,但從這些謠言的內容以及起事的過程中,都可以找到許多相類似之處。因之,我將藉由歷次起事當中的「假新聞」,反思中國西南苗族在其族群歷史發展中所承受的外在壓力與內在恐懼,並分析這些壓力與恐懼如何反應在他們的歷史記憶之中,並且引爆出多次的群眾起事,以及所造成的影響。

  14. 張繼瑩 國立清華大學通識教育中心助理教授
    以鴉片之名:清末山西禁煙的地方宣傳與異議論述

        自鴉片戰爭以來,是否嚴禁鴉片一直是朝堂上重要的爭辯,並因此形成不同政治主張的團體。然清中央並未明確表達鴉片的政策,僅隨時事變化而在嚴禁與馳禁間搖擺,直至光緒三十二年(1906)方才正式以十年為期明令根絕。這使得以生產鴉片聞名的山西地方上,流竄各種嚴禁與馳禁的假消息。在這種訊息混亂的場域裡,曾經出現兩波操作訊息的禁煙行動。第一波是在光緒三年(1877)官方運用旱災的情境,操作鴉片與糧食的競爭關係,打壓地方支持開禁的聲音,並以此推動鴉片的替代作物。但隨旱情緩和即告失敗,並排斥官府的主張。第二波是地方菁英透過省內報刊《晉陽公報》,配合十年禁絕的命令進行禁煙宣傳。然而,《晉陽公報》的稿者與編者相當複雜,有支持清廷的諮議局菁英,也有反清為尚的革命派,使禁煙的訊息充滿政治的角力。一則抹黑諮議局菁英偷種鴉片的消息出現後,引起滿城風雨,百姓誤判此資訊為政策搖擺的信號,因而再次投入種植鴉片。最後與查禁人員發生衝突,幾乎釀成民變。透過此二事例將說明,混亂訊息的交流條件下,即使宣傳本身帶有秩序的意圖,也可能在論述條件改變的過程中成為動亂的根源。

  15. 莊勝全 東吳大學歷史系兼任助理教授
    日治時期檢閱及取次制度下《臺灣民報》的發行與流通(1920-1932)

        日治臺灣殖民地統治的媒體政策之確立,本乎於「兒玉—後藤體制」下,為了穩固統治而立下了規範新聞紙的基調,針對於島內發行的新聞紙採取須經臺灣總督同意的「許可主義」,迥異於日本內地施行的「屆出(報備)主義」。且為了防堵日本內地的發行報備制成為突破臺灣島內發行許可制的法律缺口,針對島外發行的「移入紙」,再以「檢閱制度」與「取次制度」加以約束,即獲准許可在臺灣銷售的新聞報刊,必須在正式流通前納本審查,並透過總督府許可的取次人(特定經銷人)始得以販售。本文的目的即在於以標榜「臺灣人唯一之言論機關」的《臺灣民報》系列報刊為個案,具體說明其從島外發行的移入紙,發展至成為島內唯一純臺灣人資本營運的日刊紙之歷史過程中,依循法律制度納本檢閱的始末,以及在取次制度下如何佈建銷售管道以流通的概況,並進而闡述殖民地的新聞紙法規對於《臺灣民報》內部的新聞編輯、社務經營制度與報導的影響力等諸般面向上,所產生的具體影響和歷史意義。

  16. 解揚 中國社會科學院歷史所副研究員
    The Rumor of Ghost and its Circulation in Late Imperial China

        By conducting a case study of a rumor about Heisheng (dark affliction) 黑眚 in 1447, this paper tells us a story of how it was created, circulated, and its effect in Late Imperial China. This paper argues that this rumor was initiated by a kind of interest conflict on the Grand Canal between the Southern Party in bureaucracy who, with the Imperial family, controlled the Agent Housing System in 1470s and the Northern Party. In order to secure their party interest, the rumor was employed as an abnormal way to pause a state project. In this regard, there are two things need to be re-evaluated: the label of ancient China as an authoritarian state and the rule of state terrorism.

  17. 謝忠志 文藻外語大學通識教育中心助理教授
    識讀《客座新聞》

        明代沈周(1427-1509)的《客座新聞》,書名新穎,頗具現代風格,實為古代中國罕見。就傳統定義,「新聞」為新異之聞見,這也是沈周撰寫的《客座新聞》的目的。沈周晚年受盛名之累,門庭若市,遂筵宴四方人士,令其敘述見聞,並予以記錄,得名《客座新聞》。其搜羅、紀述的「新聞」事件,主要包含兩類,一是流傳街頭巷尾的奇聞軼事,二是轟動國家社稷的各類人物。換言之,《客座新聞》是報導當時口耳相傳受大眾矚目的重大人物、事件,加以集結成冊的書籍,也頗符合今日對「新聞」的定義。
    本文敘述包含幾個方面:首先蒐羅《客座新聞》的傳抄本、刻印本等各類版本,並比較異同處;再者,探究《客座新聞》搜羅新聞事件內容,並加以分類,同時以其他史籍考證「所見、所聞、所傳聞」是否符合史實,或與其他訛說之別;第三,分析書中蘊含沈周思想的旨趣;最後思索《客座新聞》對當代文士、南京地區以及明中葉後筆記小說發展等影響。藉由識讀《客座新聞》,或能得知明人獲取「新聞」來源、汲取新知之因、朝廷對於媒體的控制狀況,以及南京書籍刊刻事業發達的緣由。

  18. 蘇蘅 國立政治大學傳播學院教授
    假新聞:看不見的社會真實、偏見、與集體宣傳

        在美國新聞業的漫長歷史中,尼克森總統的水門事件可說是迄今具有歷史意義的重大事件,華盛頓郵報兩位年輕記者對水門事件真相的發掘,以及隨後新聞界對事實的不捨追問,最終導致尼克森總統黯然辭職,說明政治人物說謊的嚴重性。然而,僅僅30年,新聞業就從報導者的風光無限,變成偏見提供者的四面楚歌。1998年美國Pew Research Center請美國民眾用一個詞來形容媒體,結果高居榜首的詞是「偏見」(Ariyanto, Hornsey, Morton, & Gallois, 2008)。「2017台灣社會信任調查」也發現,在各個行業當中,新聞記者的信任度敬陪末座,法官是倒數第二,新聞記者已成為社會最不信任的職業(陳宛茜,2017/5/31)。媒體追求真相的公共服務精神,已被商業市場徹底打敗。
    新聞業面臨危機,造成假新聞興起的絕佳時機。假消息是包含偽裝成可信消息來源的不真實訊息。假消息通常來自專門從事假造事實或煽情故事的網站。它傾向於使用挑釁語言建構「新聞」,反而在市場很受歡迎,並有一定流量。
        學者Pickard(2013)探討新聞業何以淪落到社會信任谷底,認為和川普崛起及媒介追求極端商業主義有關,媒體的利潤導向和最大化,合理化危險政治,這種現象稱為媒介經營市場失敗的「企業自由主義」(corporate libertarianism)。Korten (1995)解釋「企業自由主義」主要是拓展新自由主義的邏輯(Harvey, 2005; Pickard, 2007),因而神化市場基本教義派的主張,導致全球歌頌絕對的個人自由,並夾帶抹煞公共利益的企圖。
        本文將以企業自由主義為主軸,探討當代新聞業的市場失靈與假新聞崛起的關係,接著討論企業自由主義帶給新聞業的反挫,造成哪些假新聞的敘事類型在社會普遍流傳。
    由於當代商業主義不但導致市場失敗和新聞業的危機,更把假新聞包裝在「新聞」面具之後,帶有多重社會控制意味,造成社會信任瓦解,及集體宣傳的再起,商業主義正在摧毀民主社會的媒體運作機制。 不過面對假新聞,民主社會也出現新型態的對抗新聞,網路上逐漸出現非營利媒體的「公共利益企業」。隨著時間推移,這些新媒體從商業限制中解放,產生新的新聞真實來和假新聞正面衝撞。 假新聞出現、大量製作、到普遍傳散,不斷在不同社會建構複製新的社會真實,主要源於社會本身的新聞體質不良。假新聞揭露媒體被操縱的事實,也揭示商業主義只追求娛樂而非告知的流弊,更挑戰我們的社會歷史和社會民主模式。 整體而言,本文將以理論和實務兩條軸線,分析假新聞發展脈絡、過程、重要案例及啟發,最後將討論我們有無可能從假新聞當道的民主社會中重生。

 

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