1. Táňa Dluhošová 路丹妮 捷克科學院亞非研究所台北研究中心研究員
    Censorship in Early Post-war Taiwan: Procedures and Practices

        This presentation will explore how state agencies used their various means of exercising power and projecting authority in order to shape the literary production and the literary scene in Taiwan during the early post-war period. Adding to existing scholarship which investigates the consequences of the purges of high-profile intellectuals after the 2.28 Incident, the presentation shall probe deeper into the problem of censorship as a specific way of (a) exercising state control over published contents which challenged the KMT’s ideology as well as (b) a means to limit the freedom of agents in the literary field. I will examine this problem from two complementary perspectives: Firstly, integrating the Taiwanese case into a broader political and social context, the presentation is going to focus on the legal framework under which Republican-era censorship operated. Secondly, the presentation will analyze censorship from the perspective of practice and agency. The core questions will be, simply put: Who was banning what? What were the governmental and party institutions, on various levels, involved at different times, and was the relationship among them? Which concrete cases may illuminate the impact of censorship on various aspects of publishing? The answers will be sought among the archival files, especially of the Academia Historica’s Taiwan Historica (Taiwan Guoshi guan, Wenxian guan 台灣國史館文獻館), which holds official documents from the both early post-war governments.

  2. Peter B. Ditmanson 戴彼得 國家圖書館副研究學者

    15 世紀後期至 16 世紀前期的中國,有許多筆記出現與流通,其中包含一些近期歷史人物與事變的評論,和沒有明顯的來源的故事與傳説。這些作者是不同層級的官員,而他們的作品形成一種對官方的《實錄》的挑戰。這種政治觀點的多樣化與政治意見的增加,是以朝廷上日益加劇的政治鬥爭為背景出現的,一方是政府的文官,另一方則是權力日益強大的宦官,例如劉瑾(1451-1510)等等。而黨派之間的爭論也出現了,例如1520年代的大禮議。這些評論、故事與傳説,大都强調與皇帝和宦官的不當行爲相反的官僚的道德力量。

  3. Han Li 韓莉 美國Rhodes College 歷史系教授
    From Red to “Pink”: Propaganda hip-hops, Social Media and China’s Pursuit of Soft Power Outreach

         A series of short videos from a mysterious Studio on Fuxing (rejuvenation) Road have accumulated millions of hits and invited heated discussions both in China and around the world. Since its debut with the video “How Are Leaders Made” in October 2013 to its most recent release celebrating the 20th anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to China, the studio has released more than a dozen videos covering topics ranging from the state policy, China’s social and economic reforms to Xi Jinping’s diplomatic travels. With its name alluding to Xi’s slogan calling for “the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation,” the studio and its productions speak volume of the party’s continuous efforts in re-defining its propaganda strategies and practices. This paper first situates the release of these “neo-Communist hip-hops” in the party’s dual publicity campaign – while Beijing mercilessly clamps down on dissidents (especially on social media), it is also actively re-inventing its propaganda apparatus to appeal to a young, mobile and global audience. This paper then conducts a close reading of respective videos on the legitimacy of Xi’s regency, China’s 13th Five-Year Plan, China-US relation and China’s “One Belt, One Road” (OBOR) initiative, and examine the tactful mixing of pop culture elements and political messages. By exploring the dynamics between the videos, the platforms and politics, this paper seeks to demonstrate how these refreshed-looking PR productions demonstrate the effectiveness and illusiveness of China’s continuous pursuit of soft power outreach.

  4. Ondřej Klimeš 林昂 捷克科學院亞非研究所台北研究中心研究員
    Political Smear Campaigns in the Internet Era

        Mass criticism and false accusations were often used techniques to eliminate political opposition in Maoist China, for instance during the Anti-Rightist Movement (1957–1959) or the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). In the new millennium, burgeoning internet and new media have enabled the Communist Party of China and sympathetic political actors to use similar manipulations in innovative ways. A well-known phenomenon are the government “internet commentators”, also known as the “Fifty-Cent Party,” who have been found to disseminate hundreds of millions of pseudonymous and deceptive posts per year, thereby distracting the public and shifting the discussion from controversial issues to affirmative topics by praising the party, its accomplishments, and other symbols of the regime. Another known examples are smear attacks on Chinese journalists, political activists, and other proponents of civil rights based abroad, who have been increasingly subjected to “character assassination campaigns” since 2012, when articles and doctored photos are publicized online and circulated via email groups, falsely accusing them for instance of illicit sexual behavior, prostitution and offering sexual escort services, spying for the Chinese government, or embezzling political dissidents’ funds. The attackers have also disabled their targets’ IP addresses by DDoS attacks, defamed them through fake social media accounts, and harassed them by automated anonymous phone calls, phishing, or account hacking. This research examines in closer detail how the smear campaigns have been used by the regime and its sympathizers against their political opponents in China during the first term of the Xi Jinping era (2012 – 2017). It contributes to the broader discussion of how the contemporary Chinese party-state uses information technology to eliminate political criticism and enhance its control of public opinion and discursive space.

  5. Emily Mokros 墨安屴 美國柏克萊大學博士後研究學者
    The State and the Street: Constructing Documentary Authority in Qing China

        In the summer of 1718, Beijing residents heard and saw strange things. They witnessed a lunar eclipse. And they spoke of a devastating earthquake in northwest China. These conversations took place on the streets, within private homes, and in the antechambers of state offices. Some heard the news from sojourners and some from trusted colleagues, family members, and friends. The stories included varied details of a supernatural omen: a “three-armed ghost,” or perhaps a “headless monster” whose presence in the northwest had foreshadowed the seismic event. Seven days after the first telling of this strange story, a gazette publisher (baofang) in Beijing sold textual proof: a memorial, attributed to the governor-general for Shaanxi and Sichuan, which reported the monstrous apparition and its devastating consequences. But while the earthquake had indeed inflicted damage, the more tantalizing details of the story were fabricated, and the memorial itself false. This was fake news.
     Starting from this “false memorial” case, this paper will investigate a series of information scandals in the first century of the Qing dynasty When the Qing conquered China, they inherited a troubled information order. Within the bureaucracy, lengthy procedural correspondence buried urgent messages and covert networks troubled official hierarchies. Beyond the reach of the state, gossip and rumor endangered the stability of the new dynasty. In this study, I argue that their attempts to restore the information order, Qing political agents established new boundaries between influence and authority, clerks and officials, and conversations and texts. In particular, the court promoted gazettes as authoritative foils to the rumors, tabloids, and forgeries that made up the “fake news” of early modern China. In so doing, by the mid-eighteenth century the Qing state shifted the material basis of politics from talk to text, and from story to document.

  6. 孫旭亮 澳門大學歷史系博士候選人
    Rumors and Imagination Transplant: A Study on Anti-Christian Incidents in the Late Ming Dynasty

        Ever since the first generation of Jesuit “Giants” represented by Matteo Ricci and Michele Ruggieri were permitted to reside in China in 1583, the anti-Christian incidents had never been ceased in the Ming dynasty. Apart from the 1616 Nanjing incident, there were abundant other relatively small-scale anti-Christian incidents that occurred. As stated by Alvaro Semedo, there had already been 54 anti-Christian incidents before the occurrence of Nanjing incident. Interestingly, by taking close look at all these incidents, we can always see the emergence of various rumors and strange stories that were employed by the opponents to attack missionaries as well as Catholicism. The image of missionaries that was created by such rumors and strange stories altered in accordance with different requirements of opponents: trafficker, adulterer, alchemist, spy, sorcery-performer, and so forth. Based on their different contents, these rumors can be classified into 3 main categories with each focusing on different concerns: on counterespionage (accuse missionaries of working as spies for Folangji, stealing state secrets and fostering rebellious powers within China); on sexual misconducts (accuse missionaries of having sexual misconducts with local women); and on sorcery-performing (accuse missionaries performing evil sorceries like alchemy, consuming children, snatching organs, gathering people immediately without appointment and so on). In this essay, I will first be specific on the main manifestation of each type of such rumors. Then the questions like where did such rumors come from and why were they employed by opponents in their attacks against missionaries will be particularly studied and analyzed. The conclusion of my analysis on these rumors is that they were aroused by Chinese people’s imagination transplant decided by missionaries’ identities as outsiders (foreigners and religious staff, not necessarily Catholic priests). By doing so, I am trying to challenge the traditional cliché in the analysis on the reasons of the initiation of anti-Christian incidents which stressed a lot on the theoretical incompatibility between Confucianism and Catholicism. Therefore, hope that I can offer different research perspectives on the study of Sino-Western communication and confrontation.

  7. 王一樵 國立臺灣大學歷史系博士


  8. 王文隆 中國國民黨文化傳播委員會黨史館主任


  9. 王鴻泰 中央研究院歷史語言研究所研究員

        中國歷代常見黨爭,而論者多將關注面集中於理念與群體之異同攻守,殊少注意其間訊息傳播方式之差異,更對其形成與發展有重大影響,甚至具決定性作用。實際上,政治乃各種立場與力量的博奕,訊息之接收與利用,斯為輸贏關鍵,而訊息傳播方式之不同,更對政治舞台的建構形式與演出內容都有決定性的影響。本文嘗試從訊息傳播的角度重新審視政治史,藉此透析權力的內涵本質與表現形式,及其兩者的辯證關係。另外,考察訊息傳播如何促成國家與社會的互動,亦是本文思考重點。 明朝自正統以來,政治情勢的發展實與訊息的掌控關係極度密切,尤其進入成化朝後,訊息的流動與掌控更是極度敏感地牽動政局的發展,皇帝委任親信建立情報偵察系統,且有意強力控制訊息的流通,儒臣群體則傾向於傳播訊息,對之公開討論,藉以製造輿論,因此訊息的傳播與控制也成了不同權位者的角力,政治鬥爭的攻防要地,乃至可以說政治操作的重要戰場就在訊息的掌控上。本文即嘗試討論訊息傳播與政治操作之間的密切關係,考察其所牽涉之不同層面與內容,希望藉此對明代之政治發展有更深入的認識,尤其對士大夫階層與宮廷勢力的博奕,乃至民間社會之如何參與國家大事,作更透徹的觀察。

  10. 吳筱玫 國立政治大學傳播學院教授
        如今又快10年了,媒體條件有了新的變化,首先,2008年還能看到的「原始網站」,已經消失於歷史舞台,幾乎無人知道假照片事件從何而來;再者,從2008年到今天,又有許多相關頁面被創造出來,有了與以往不同的Google排序;此外,約自2009年開始,社群媒體Facebook、Twitter等開始風行,人們有了其他管道接觸事件資訊。在媒體快速更迭之下,假照片事件又有了新的再現面貌,這讓研究者重新思索新媒體的「液態」本質,不僅新媒體是液態的,媒體乘載的更是液態資訊。這種「快速」、「流動」、「液態」之資訊排序如何衝擊歷史書寫之面貌?將是本文討論之重點。 方法上,本文將蒐集1998、2008、2018三個時期關於「1998年印尼排華」事件之歷史資料進行分析。其中1998年與2008年有舊有資料支撐,2018年則增加Google與社群媒體Twitter與Facebook之排序。經由跨時、跨平台之比較分析,將有助於論述新媒體的液態本質。

  11. 邱怡瑄 國立臺灣大學中國文學系博士候選人
        「宰相有權能割地,孤臣無力可回天。」(丘逢甲,〈離臺詩〉)、「趙四風流朱五狂,翩翩胡蝶最當行。溫柔鄉是英雄塚,哪管東師入瀋陽。」(馬君武,〈哀瀋陽〉)。二十世紀上半葉世變蜂起,如上述所枚舉,志在傳寫、紀實當代重大歷史事件的國難舊體詩吟詠大量湧現。無論是報刊傳媒中的藝文專欄或軼聞瑣事,或舊式詩歌流通的詩話、評點與同人選集,此類吟詠國難的近代「詩史」書寫,以杜甫吟詠安史之亂的精神自任,卻以「述史」的姿態發揮類似新聞的傳播效應。這些詩史吟詠一方面承續中國歷史書寫傳統中紀實事、寓褒貶、含諷諭的職能,一方面也間亦混雜「史蘊詩心」的弄筆狡獪。本文以九一八事變到七七事變間,描寫中、日雙方領土、軍事矛盾的舊體詩吟詠為考察對象,探討「詩」和「史」之間的理論張力。羅蘭巴特討論寫實主義時所提出的「真實效果」(Reality Effect)理論,將是本文解析國難舊詩吟詠中之所以存在類乎「假新聞」陳述的切入觀點。「詩史」不只是被動地描寫歷史,更是藉由「紀實」為名的書寫實踐,成為推進與影響歷史走向的詩學。

  12. 邱家宜 卓越新聞獎基金會執行長


  13. 胡其瑞 國立臺灣大學數位人文中心博士後研究


  14. 張繼瑩 國立清華大學通識教育中心助理教授


  15. 莊勝全 東吳大學歷史系兼任助理教授


  16. 解揚 中國社會科學院歷史所副研究員
    The Rumor of Ghost and its Circulation in Late Imperial China

        By conducting a case study of a rumor about Heisheng (dark affliction) 黑眚 in 1447, this paper tells us a story of how it was created, circulated, and its effect in Late Imperial China. This paper argues that this rumor was initiated by a kind of interest conflict on the Grand Canal between the Southern Party in bureaucracy who, with the Imperial family, controlled the Agent Housing System in 1470s and the Northern Party. In order to secure their party interest, the rumor was employed as an abnormal way to pause a state project. In this regard, there are two things need to be re-evaluated: the label of ancient China as an authoritarian state and the rule of state terrorism.

  17. 謝忠志 文藻外語大學通識教育中心助理教授


  18. 蘇蘅 國立政治大學傳播學院教授

        在美國新聞業的漫長歷史中,尼克森總統的水門事件可說是迄今具有歷史意義的重大事件,華盛頓郵報兩位年輕記者對水門事件真相的發掘,以及隨後新聞界對事實的不捨追問,最終導致尼克森總統黯然辭職,說明政治人物說謊的嚴重性。然而,僅僅30年,新聞業就從報導者的風光無限,變成偏見提供者的四面楚歌。1998年美國Pew Research Center請美國民眾用一個詞來形容媒體,結果高居榜首的詞是「偏見」(Ariyanto, Hornsey, Morton, & Gallois, 2008)。「2017台灣社會信任調查」也發現,在各個行業當中,新聞記者的信任度敬陪末座,法官是倒數第二,新聞記者已成為社會最不信任的職業(陳宛茜,2017/5/31)。媒體追求真相的公共服務精神,已被商業市場徹底打敗。
        學者Pickard(2013)探討新聞業何以淪落到社會信任谷底,認為和川普崛起及媒介追求極端商業主義有關,媒體的利潤導向和最大化,合理化危險政治,這種現象稱為媒介經營市場失敗的「企業自由主義」(corporate libertarianism)。Korten (1995)解釋「企業自由主義」主要是拓展新自由主義的邏輯(Harvey, 2005; Pickard, 2007),因而神化市場基本教義派的主張,導致全球歌頌絕對的個人自由,並夾帶抹煞公共利益的企圖。
    由於當代商業主義不但導致市場失敗和新聞業的危機,更把假新聞包裝在「新聞」面具之後,帶有多重社會控制意味,造成社會信任瓦解,及集體宣傳的再起,商業主義正在摧毀民主社會的媒體運作機制。 不過面對假新聞,民主社會也出現新型態的對抗新聞,網路上逐漸出現非營利媒體的「公共利益企業」。隨著時間推移,這些新媒體從商業限制中解放,產生新的新聞真實來和假新聞正面衝撞。 假新聞出現、大量製作、到普遍傳散,不斷在不同社會建構複製新的社會真實,主要源於社會本身的新聞體質不良。假新聞揭露媒體被操縱的事實,也揭示商業主義只追求娛樂而非告知的流弊,更挑戰我們的社會歷史和社會民主模式。 整體而言,本文將以理論和實務兩條軸線,分析假新聞發展脈絡、過程、重要案例及啟發,最後將討論我們有無可能從假新聞當道的民主社會中重生。


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